Music, cinema, current affairs, sport, fashion: all Rolling Stone digital covers.Sign up for the Rolling Stone newsletter and enter the world of music, culture and entertainment.Zero tolerance in the suburbs, scholarships reserved only for "capable and deserving", fight against abortion and LGBT rights, control of women's bodies, algorithms in charge of choosing a job that cannot be refused: more than the Italy of 2022, seems to be the useful material for a fantasy halfway between the apocalyptic and the cyberpunkPhoto by Riccardo Fabi / NurPhoto via Getty ImagesIn recent days, media attention has been catalyzed by some proposals contained in the controversial electoral program of the Brothers of Italy: a trend inaugurated by Elodie who, on Monday, resuming a tweet that summarizes the main objectives that Giorgia Meloni's party promises itself to pursue, he expressed his fears ("It frightens me sincerely," he wrote).To me it frankly scares me.https://t.co/hxGkZ3m4dY https://t.co/ZPYXNWcJFFThe problem is that, in fact, the Fratelli d'Italia program for the September elections does not yet exist: what Elodie and hundreds of users have shared on their social channels, in fact, is a document that dates back to 2018. The manifesto , entitled The vote that unites Italy, summarizes in 15 points the programmatic platform with which the party presented itself at the polls five years ago: a fairly sparse and poor information booklet, which consists mostly of a series of slogans (such as " Italy first and Italians first "and" Priority to security and legality ") with which the Brothers of Italy prepared the ground to settle in Parliament as a breaking force.But what are the ideas that Meloni and associates embody today?As anticipated, we cannot get a definitive answer: the fall of the Draghi government and Mattarella's choice to dissolve the Chambers and call early elections have taken all parties by surprise, which are trying to align themselves with the needs of an electoral campaign to be organized and to be completed in a very short time, just over 60 days, moreover in a delicate period like the height of the summer season, when the attention of the voters is directed to the holidays rather than the political situation of the country.Yet, even in the absence of an official writing, a more precise idea on the purposes that the Brothers of Italy has in mind to achieve in the immediate future can be deduced from the reading of another document (called Notes for a conservative program), more punctual and in-depth, which the party presented at the end of April, on the occasion of the Milanese conference Italy: energy to be released: not a program in the strict sense, therefore, but the antechamber of a more articulated political proposal which, probably, will coincide in good starts with the plan that Meloni will present to the electoral body in the coming weeks.Now: reading the programs that political parties present before the elections is a boring and very tiring practice (also because, in most cases, they are written very badly or, at best, are full of technicalities for insiders inaccessible to more);yet, it is a hermeneutic effort that is worth making, because it is the only way that voters have at their disposal to understand the model of country that the rulers of tomorrow have in mind to implement.All this, of course, bearing in mind some premises, such as the certainty that the vast majority of the intentions put pen to paper in the programs will not be realized - in parliamentary democracies it works like this: the compromises that lead to the birth of the governing majority, inevitably , they must satisfy all the souls that compose it.The first fact that catches the eye when reading the Notes for a conservative program is the new role that Giorgia Meloni intends to embody.If, in fact, the 2018 program was typical of a political force convinced of remaining in the opposition, lacking a long-term strategic vision and conceived, first of all, in order to tickle the indignation of that more conservative portion of Italians , xenophobic and Eurosceptic (to be clear, a text in which key words such as "contrast to irregular immigration", "no to ius soli", "protection of our identity" and "defense of Made in Italy" were the masters), the document presented in April is characterized by a very different tone of voice, more solemn and "authoritative", typical of a leader who no longer intends to represent the minority of the hemicycle: Meloni is no longer a barricade, but an aspiring premier to all effects.Going into the reading of the text, the elements useful for evaluating this axiom are different, above all the convinced adhesion of the party to the Atlanticist camp and to NATO: if, up to the beginning of the last legislature, Meloni had on several occasions praised Putin and his politics foreign, the war in Ukraine has completely changed the picture, pushing it to do damnatio memoriae and to commit itself to an uncompromising condemnation of the Kremlin's work.In fact, the document states that «Our active participation in NATO is more necessary than ever.The Ukrainian crisis has brought to the fore the importance of collective defense, but it has also unbalanced the interests of the Alliance towards the East ».This convinced option in favor of the Atlanticist camp is probably to be read as a sign of stability that Meloni intends to address to its allies, the United States first of all: the defense of the Atlantic Pact, as we know, is a sine qua non condition to be met in order to even just hoping to lead the Italian government, and the leader of the Brothers of Italy took the opportunity of the war to present herself as a reliable partner in the eyes of the West;by following this path, moreover, Meloni also has the possibility of expanding his electoral potential, for example by intercepting the votes of the Lega voters annoyed by Salvini's attitude and by the very marked pro-pointillism of which the number one of the Carroccio showed off in the last months.In short, by capitalizing on the ambiguities of Lega and Forza Italia (Berlusconi has never explicitly condemned Putin, his longtime partner), Meloni has intelligently occupied a decisive space: that of the "atlantist right", aligned with American interests and immune from any Russian infiltration .The assumption of this new role gives it an advantage over the whole coalition: if it is a center-right government, the only profile able to guide it and fully embrace the NATO line on the fate of Ukraine will be yours.In addition to the convinced choice of the Atlantic field, another factor that confirms the gap that separates the Notes for a conservative program from the meager program of 2018 is the contribution of 12 "experts" (some really are, others are traditionally close journalists and commentators to the party) called to present in detail as many proposals which, if implemented, should pave the way for a "liberal-conservative" Italy.Well, little spoiler: to paraphrase Elodie, this liberal-conservative Italy is actually a bit scary.Personally, one of the most worrying items I have read is that relating to the school, presented by the sociologist Luca Ricolfi and entitled Freedom to emerge.According to Ricolfi, the Italian school in its current structure is progressive and inclusive in form, but classist and exclusive in substance;consequently, according to the sociologist, its foundations should be retouched.How?Eliminating the current structure which, again according to the academic, by lowering the level of studies, would have facilitated the upper-middle classes to the detriment of the lower-middle ones.For Ricolfi, in fact, "The children of the upper classes have a thousand weapons to make their way, in school as in the job market: repetitions, the possibility of studying up to 30 or 35 years, family economic resources, the system of knowledge of parents.The children of the subordinate classes, on the other hand, have only one weapon to compete with the children of the upper classes: the quality of their studies.Lowering the level of education meant taking away from the working class the only weapon they could have at their disposal ”.And what is the answer that Ricolfi has in mind to bridge this gap?Eliminate the scholarships currently existing - those totally free and subject to the acquisition of credits, and therefore to merit, which with all their distortions guarantee anyone to have access to the right to education - to introduce new ones, to be dedicated to more "capable and deserving" students.In what he defines as a "provocation", Ricolfi in fact proposes to move from the system of failures to that of levels: "I never bow out, but - instead of certifying the false, as now too often happens - at the end of upper secondary school I certify accurately and faithfully the level of knowledge you have actually reached ».In this way, "At the end of the last year, I do not issue you a diploma, but a card that details, subject by subject, the level you have been able to reach (...) and I accompany this revolution with a literal application of article 34 of the Constitution: generous scholarships for all "capable and deserving", up to the "highest degrees of studies", ie master's degree and research doctorate ».A revolution which, according to him, should all be resolved in favor of the lower-middle classes who, excelling in their studies, could finally obtain the much-needed social redemption.What is problematic, however, is the very premise from which Ricolfi chooses to start: what would happen, for example, if at the end of the fair the most "capable and deserving" were the children of professionals, that is the "ruling class" who Ricolfi calls into question?Moreover, if it is true (and we agree!) That the upper classes can count on privileged starting conditions, it is also true that precisely these starting conditions give them a much easier access to culture;greater purchasing power also means greater spending capacity for the acquisition of books of all kinds or to undertake private lessons, not counting the starting capital that an upper-class child can dispose of - we live in a bad world that it accepts inequalities and in which, unfortunately, the libraries set up by rich families are decidedly more nourished than those available to working-class families.On a theoretical level, therefore, the children of the middle and upper classes, precisely by virtue of the privileged conditions of which Ricolfi speaks, have a wider possibility of excelling at school: how do we solve this dilemma, if the capable and deserving were to be the children of rich?Do we exclude all others from the possibility of having a solid education, making them pay for their high school defaults in the long term?No, thanks, we keep the school progressive and accessible to everyone.The other point that has aroused some bitter smiles is that relating to the suburbs, also because it is Paolo Del Debbio who deals with it (not David Harvey or Tito Boeri: Paolo Del Debbio, the patron of screamed television of the worst kind);in explaining his recipe for solving the evils of housing inequalities, Del Debbio explicitly refers to the "Theory of broken windows", the theoretical assumption that led to the doctrine of "Zero Tolerance" implemented by Rudy Giuliani in the New York of the first half of the nineties.For those unfamiliar with the question, here is a small review: the birth date of the ideas that inspire most of contemporary security policies is March 1, 1982, when an article destined to make school comes out in the American magazine The Atlantic: Broken Windows: the police and neighborhood safety.The thesis of the authors, George L. Kelling and James Q. Wilson, is that there is a causal link between disorder, perception of insecurity and increased crime;the "signs of neglect", like a broken window, would have the effect of breaking the "collective barriers" that protect our civilization.Kelling and Wilson's article began with a plan adopted by the state of New Jersey in 1981, called the Safe and Clean Neighborhoods Program, which increased police foot patrols in 28 cities across the state.Although it would later be discovered that the increase in patrols did not correspond to any decrease in criminal activity, for Kelling and Wilson the measure made the inhabitants of the patrolled areas safer and convinced that a decrease in crime had actually occurred.Even if the empirical data disproved it, the perception had convinced them.And this perception, for Del Debbio, is the solution to the social exclusion that rages in the suburbs: ours, in fact, writes that it is "A theme to be tackled with decision following the" theory of broken windows ", degradation calls the degradation, for this reason the writings on the walls or a garbage bag thrown on the ground, in themselves little thing, must be fought because they are the viaticum for emulation, as well as for the raising of the level of behavior and vandalism or, more properly, criminals.Therefore, greater security is needed and therefore attention to petty crime and a tough fight against drugs ”.In 2022, therefore, the only response to be provided to social exclusion is repression and incentives for neighborhood security policies, not to undertake inclusion policies that can reintroduce those who are systematically excluded into the social fabric.Again: no, thanks, we prefer Gotham City to remain a fantasy place.But let's move on to the work and the corrective that Crosetto has in mind to address the age-old question of citizenship income: abolish the choice and convince the young person, regardless, to accept any job in the interest of the homeland.In the text, Crosetto proposes to build "an organized system that does not exist today that must be part of a program of active policies based on an artificial intelligence system that, when fully operational, traces the list of young people who finish high school and university every year and you link them to companies in the sector, employment agencies and employment centers, activating a competitive system between operators who will have a substantial financial dowry for their placement ", highlighting how" The young person will no longer be able to choose whether to work or not , but he is bound to accept the job offer for himself, for his family and for the country, on pain of losing all benefits with the application of a system of sanctions ".Now, for the sake of completeness of the analysis, it should be noted that Crosetto retraced his steps on several occasions: for example, in an interview granted to Avvenire, he explained that the proposal was part of the "cultural provocations" included in the document;and yet, even just imagining such a system - an Artificial Intelligence called to decide our work destiny without the possibility of appeal - makes Orwellian dystopias something not too far from reality.Another perplexing point is that relating to the constitutional reform put in place by the Brothers of Italy and exposed by Marcello Pera: in short, Meloni and associates intend to make Italy more governable, stimulating a majority structure and overcoming bicameralism. perfect (i.e. the equal powers that the Constitution attributes to the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, the two branches of parliament).How?Preparing the ground for the direct election of the President of the Council and, consequently, downsizing the role of Parliament.Pera also talks about all the "counterweights" that should be implemented to achieve such a reform, without however specifying them: how would the power of this new prime minister elected by the people be balanced?For now we do not know, but the risks associated with the authoritarian drifts that could arise from such a choice are clear and deserve a detailed discussion.On the environmental front, the party's intentions are in many ways meritorious, given that it proposes to push the accelerator on the front of renewable energy, especially wind and photovoltaic.The only doubts concern the use of gas: Fratelli d'Italia, in fact, plans to use it as a support to complete the transition.However, this possibility is opposed by various environmental movements, who consider it a very short-sighted solution.Criticisms that, in fact, are based on solid foundations: in fact, even if gas is the least harmful fossil source for the climate, several studies have pointed out that considering it a "transition fuel" could be a mistake.For example, the road map published by the International Energy Agency (IEA) in May - Net zero by 2050: a roadmap for the global energy sector - highlighted the need to abandon the belief that the transition needs new infrastructure gas to be accomplished without accidents or without exorbitant costs, given that in order to reach net emissions by 2050 it is essential to interrupt the flow of fossil investments already at the beginning of the supply chain.On the vision of the family that Meloni has in mind, however, no surprise: the model of the Brothers of Italy is the patriarchal one, and must not be affected in any way.According to Alfredo Mantovano, editor of the proposal Growing up in the family, in fact, the one made up of mother, father and son is the only, only conceivable family from the point of view of nature and law and "it is not the same for a child to grow up with a father and a mother, or with two persons of the same sex: because that nature that the Constitution refers to when it recognizes the rights of the family bears written the complementarity of the two figures of parents, not the duplication of the same figure ».Even the right to abortion, in all likelihood, will end up in the crosshairs of a possible Meloni government: in the document, in fact, we read that "giving birth to a child is an act of courage and hope: and courage and hope do not they buy, nor do they "rent" the bodies of strangers, and often submissive women ».As it was easy to guess, the demonization of the concept of "gender-fluid" (with a few jabs at the DDL Zan sunk in the Senate in October) has the right place in the manifesto: "it is really complicated to build something if the foundations are 'fluid', for ex.when someone wants to convince, with the threat of a penal sanction, that being male or female is not something defined, but depends on the self-perception that each one has of himself ".In short, there is only one certainty: the LGBT community will find a determined opponent, should Meloni take a seat at Palazzo Chigi.Abolition of the overly inclusive scholarships provided by the "progressive school" (whatever it is) and subsequent introduction of a limited and high-level training, reserved for the "capable and deserving";impossibility of refusing jobs assigned by an algorithm, under penalty of "loss of all benefits with the application of a system of sanctions";provide an answer to the distress of the suburbs by encouraging zero tolerance, as in Rudy Giuliani's New York in the mid-90s;constitutional changes aimed at overcoming parliamentary democracy to introduce an unspecified direct election of the Prime Minister: more than Italy in 2022, it seems useful material for a fantasy halfway between dystopian and cyberpunk.Too bad it is not science fiction, but the program that Giorgia Meloni would try to carry out if the polls put her in a position to lead a government;a possibility that, at present, is more concrete than ever: according to the latest polls, currently the party would be able to collect 25% of the preferences and, therefore, to collect the vote of one in four Italians.Enter the world of music, culture and entertainment© 2022 Web Magazine Makers SrlWe promise you a curious and attentive look at the world of music and entertainment, forays into politics and current affairs, certainly no spam.